But might not his nomination be overruled? I grant it might,
yet this could only be to make place for another nomination by
himself. The person ultimately appointed must be the object of his
preference, though perhaps not in the first degree. It is also not
very probable that his nomination would often be overruled. The
Senate could not be tempted, by the preference they might feel to
another, to reject the one proposed; because they could not assure
themselves, that the person they might wish would be brought forward
by a second or by any subsequent nomination. They could not even be
certain, that a future nomination would present a candidate in any
degree more acceptable to them; and as their dissent might cast a
kind of stigma upon the individual rejected, and might have the
appearance of a reflection upon the judgment of the chief
magistrate, it is not likely that their sanction would often be
refused, where there were not special and strong reasons for the
refusal.
To what purpose then require the co-operation of the Senate? I
answer, that the necessity of their concurrence would have a
powerful, though, in general, a silent operation. It would be an
excellent check upon a spirit of favoritism in the President, and
would tend greatly to prevent the appointment of unfit characters
from State prejudice, from family connection, from personal
attachment, or from a view to popularity. In addition to this, it
would be an efficacious source of stability in the administration.